Sunday, February 11, 2018

Charley Patton: A Look Under The Mask!

By Elijah Wald, in Sing Out! the Folk Song Magazine 46:2 (Summer 2002).

On September 14, 1929, exactly three months after Patton's first recording session, Paramount launched the "Masked Marvel" campaign. Following Patton's relative success With his first two releases, "Pony Blues" and "Banty Rooster Blues," followed by the two-part "Prayer of Death," Paramount felt confident in his ability to sell records and released the first two songs he ever recorded with a special offer: If the listener could identify the singer on the album, then they could fill out the coupon that came with the record, send it in and get a free album of their choice. Patton's raw singing made it easy for those familiar With his earlier recordings but confused some first-time listeners who assumed that the distinguished figure with the mask was a Hollywood film star.

A Look Under The Mask! 

Who was Charley Patton, and what the hell was he singing about? There are infinite arguments about Patton's lyrics. His growling, slurred diction, and the fact that his recordings were often made on mediocre equipment and survive only in scratched and beaten copies make words and phrases utterly indecipherable. Combined with the gaps in what we know of his life and character, this creates an almost irresistible opportunity for historians to shape him into whatever they want him to be. Take the first line of "Down The Dirt Road Blues," one of his earliest and greatest recordings: Is he a haunted, Delta mystic singing, "I'm going away to a world unknown," as transcribed in the liner notes to an ornate new box set and a half-dozen websites? Or is he a popular country entertainer singing, "I'm going away to Illinois," a common theme of the great exodus of black Mississippians to Chicago? There is no "right" answer, but how one hears a line like this can be emblematic of the whole way one looks at blues.

For some forty years, "Delta blues" has been used as a synonym for the most tortured and soulful strain in American music. Never mind that the region produced gentle, light singers like Mississippi John Hurt, country string bands like the Mississippi Sheiks, racy comedians like Bo Carter, slick, jazzy performers like Joe and Charlie McCoy, and smooth, urban stars like Memphis Minnie and Big Bill Broonzy -- or that (with the exception of Hurt) these were the Delta's biggest record-sellers. In popular legend, the Delta blues scene was dominated by haunted, Devil-harried guitarists whose records remain the gold standard for "deep" blues. Robert Johnson is the most famous name in this pantheon, but among aficionados Charley Patton is almost universally hailed as the founding, defining genius, the source of a musical lineage that runs through Johnson to the Chicago masters and on to encompass virtually everything now called blues.


Born in 1891, [we are now very sure he was born in 1886] Patton was older than the other Delta musicians who recorded during the golden age of the 1920s and 1930s, and he seems to have developed many of the themes that are now considered basic to the Delta blues repertoire. His trademark guitar arrangements were adopted by Tommy Johnson, Son House, and Willie Brown, as well as younger players like Howlin' Wolf, Roebuck "Pop" Staples, all of whom hung around him in order to master the pieces he had turned into local hits. He apparently gave formal lessons to some of them, using teaching as a secondary source of income in the weekdays between juke joint performances.

And yet, when we define Patton as the brilliant progenitor of blues as we know it, we are to a great extent limiting him, locking him into a stylistic straitjacket he never wore when alive. Of course, he was a great blues player. His basic blues themes -- the "Spanish tuning" arrangement he recorded first as "Screamin' And Hollerin' The Blues," and that reappeared as "Future Blues," "Jinx Blues," and "Maggie Campbell" when recorded by Willie Brown, Son House, and Tommy Johnson respectively, or the basic blues in "E" he called "Pony Blues," which was reshaped by Brown into "M&O Blues" and Johnson into "Bye and Bye" -- are masterpieces, and no other solo player has matched his controlled and inventive rhythmic variations. Still, when historians base their assessment of Patton's work on these pieces, they are seeing him through a prism of blues fandom that barely existed in his day and shortchanging both his talents and the broader world in which he lived.

Great as they are and much as they have been imitated, those classic arrangements represent only one side of Patton's recorded repertoire, and undoubtedly an even smaller proportion of what he played at live appearances. Remembered by history as a blues musician, Patton had grown up in the pre-blues era, and he played the full range of music required of a popular rural entertainer. Even though his recording career was sparked by the blues craze, only about half of his roughly fifty records can reasonably be considered part of that then-modern genre. The others are a mix of Gospel and religious music, ragtime comedy like "Shake It And Break It," ballads like "Frankie And Albert 1. ," older slide guitar standards like "Bo Weavil" and "Spoonful," and a couple of unclassifiable pieces that seem to be his reimaginings of Tin Pan Alley pop numbers. "Some Of These Days" and "Running Wild."

This was not a particularly unusual repertoire for the time and place. Back in those days before recorded entertainment, rural musicians were expected to perform whatever their audiences cared to hear, and many of them mastered an extraordinary range of styles, from minstrel comedy to square dance accompaniments. Even Robert Johnson, twenty years younger and a child of the blues era, made a street corner specialty of songs like "Ain't She Sweet" and cowboy numbers. By the time Johnson recorded in the mid-1930s, though, producers were pushing black guitarists to stick to blues. Patton first recorded in 1929. and was one of the last rural African-Americans to have a chance to preserve his broader range of material on commercial recordings. Unfortunately, his non-blues material has generally been relegated to the background of his story, as if it were far less important than his blues work -- some scholars have even argued, with virtually no evidence, that his non-blues repertoire was simply learned for white audiences. This has unfairly limited his appeal to modern listeners. Promoted as the deepest, rawest Delta bluesman of them all, Patton is rarely heard by people who are not already hardcore blues fans.

In fact, in many ways, Patton's recordings are more like Lead Belly's than like Robert Johnson's, and it would be easy to assemble a collection of his work aimed at folk and old-time country fans. In rural Mississippi, blacks, as well as whites, danced hoedowns and square dances, and when Patton used a sideman -- even on blues records -- it tended to be a fiddler, Son Sims. (Sims was still going strong in the 1940s, leading a country dance quartet that included Muddy Waters on guitar.) On the four of their duets where Sims took the lead, it is an education to hear how Patton plays. The songs are all blues in some sense, but the boom-chang pattern of his guitar accompaniments sounds a lot like hillbilly playing, albeit with a leavening of hot, syncopated bass runs. It does not sound white, exactly, but if a modern bluegrass group reworked these songs, Patton's guitar would fit right in.

Patton's way with pre-blues, "songster" material is even more interesting, and it is not a stretch to say that, had things worked out differently, he could have appealed to the same audience that made Lead Belly a folk icon. Admittedly, his recordings do not include a "Goodnight Irene" or "Midnight Special," but it is worth remembering that Lead Belly only learned the latter song after being taken up by John Lomax as a folksong demonstrator. We have no idea how much more "folk" material Patton might have known, or how he might have adapted his formidable skills to suit a Greenwich Village audience. He was a notably versatile performer and musician and, unlike virtually any major blues singer besides Lead Belly, he was given to composing lengthy ballads about current events in his world, just the sort of thing the New York crowd would have prized and encouraged. His most famous topical song, "High Water Everywhere," is a six-minute description of a Mississippi River flood, telling of the suffering caused throughout the Delta, and leading his listeners on a journey through the devastation:

The water at Greenville and Leland, it done rose everywhere,
I would go down to Rosedale, but they tell me it's water there.

He had a gift for personal narrative and seems to have enjoyed documenting events that touched his own experience, and which would have been particularly interesting to his local audience. For example, he wrung wry humor from two of his own run-ins with local lawmen, in "Tom Rushin' Blues" and "High Sheriff Blues." Recorded five years apart, these were essentially two variations on a single musical theme. Far from being bitter, passionate heart-cries, they used a lilting melody that would have fitted the smooth style of a Leroy Carr, or even a Gene Autry, and Patton sang with relaxed ease over a slide guitar line that shadowed his voice:

Lay down last night, hoped that I would have my peace, mm-mmm (2x)
When I woke up, Tom Rushin' were shaking me.

The song is full of local color, mentioning Tom Day, the town marshal of Merigold, Mississippi, and a bootlegger named Holloway who was apparently one of Patton's running buddies. As for the title character, Tom Rushing (his name was misspelled by whoever took down the title for Paramount Records) was a deputy in Bolivar County, and when some blues experts tracked him down in the 1980s he recalled Patton coming to see him after the record was released and presented him with a copy. He considered this an honor, and described Patton as an important local figure -- indeed, he compared him to the track star Jesse Owens.

Much has been made of the isolation of the rural Delta, and the poverty and racism that overshadowed the lives of black farmers and musicians. It is important to remember, however, that this was not the whole story, that a singer like Patton could have a relatively friendly (though obviously unequal) relationship with a white deputy, and that his arrest could lead to songs that show humor as much as despair. It is also worth noting that Patron's song, despite its personal details, was a reworking of "Booze And Blues," recorded by the "Mother of the Blues," Ma Rainey, with a jazz group directed by bandleader Fletcher Henderson. That is to say, far from being an oppressed rural primitive, Patton was a professional musician using a modern pop style to tell a story that would interest and amuse local fans, both black and white.

"Tom Rushen Blues" combines Rainey's verses about the misery of being stuck in jail without a drink with wry digs at the local power figures. Marshall Day, for example, would not have been somebody for a black sharecropper to trifle with in 1930s Mississippi, but Patton jokes that his badge is not a permanent possession and, "If he loses his office, now, he's running from town to town." Likewise, in his Depression lament, "34 Blues" Patton mocked Herman Jett, the white foreman who had ordered him to leave his home plantation, Dockery's Farm, apparently because he had become involved in a marital dispute (Once again, he sent a copy of the record to Jell, who was amused):

Herman got a little six Buick, big six Chevrolet car (2x)
(Spoken: My God, what sort of power! 3. )
And it don't do nothing but follow behind Harvey Parker's plow.

In both of these songs, Patton's singing is notable for how laid-back and relaxed he sounds. Though he was famous for the volume and strength of his voice, which made it possible for him to be heard over a crowded room full of dancers despite the lack of amplification, and to keep this up for hours on end, many of his records find him in a quieter mood. His voice remains gruff, but he has no need to shout in the intimate surroundings of a recording studio, and his playing is equally gentle. This is particularly true of his slide work. In most cases, Patton used the slide in the old-fashioned, voice-like manner of the pre-blues era. It is the same sound one hears in Lemon Jefferson's "Jack O' Diamonds," or Mance Lipscomb's work, rather than the hard, slashing style associated with Delta masters like House, Robert Johnson, and Waters.

A perfect example of this is Patton's very first recording, "Mississippi Bo Weavil Blues." This is a cousin of the song that Lead Belly and others made into a folk standard, a ballad of the boll weevil, a tough little bug that was destroying cotton crops and impoverishing farmers throughout the South. Patton sings a particularly minimalist version of the song, essentially a single musical line punctuated with slide riffs, but full of the grudging, comic admiration for the pest that has led commentators to consider the song a veiled protest in which the bug represents the rebel urges of black sharecroppers:

Boll weevil left Texas, Lord, he bid me fare thee well, Lordy.
(Spoken: Where you going now?)
"I'm going down to Mississippi, going to give Louisiana hell," Lordy.

It is interesting that Patton (or the recording agents) should have chosen this as his first song to record since by 1929 such older, "folk" material was already riffling out of favor on what was then called the "race" market. The accepted commercial wisdom of the time was that, while white rural Southerners were eager to buy "old fashioned songs," their African American neighbors wanted hipper, contemporary material like the smooth blues ballads of Leroy Carr or the double-entendre hokum of Tampa Red. Both of these artists had breakthrough hits in 1928 and, combined with the economic conservatism that came with the Depression, essentially wiped out the market for idiosyncratic rural geniuses, which Blind Lemon Jefferson had pioneered only a couple of years earlier. Patton was the last Jeffersonian to make a significant impact on the blues market, and it is worth noting that only a half-dozen of his earliest records sold at all well, and even these almost exclusively in rural areas. (Jefferson, by contrast, was a big seller in country and city alike.)

Back home in Mississippi, the story was somewhat different. Here, recordings might slightly enhance a musician's reputation, but they were in no way vital to local success. Son House, for example, was a very popular juke joint player, though he was a complete failure as a recording artist, his records selling so poorly that hardly any survived to be found by later collectors. Patton did much better, releasing 26 records to House's four, but there is no reason to think that the recordings made up a significant part of his income, or that the failure of his later records to sell implies any lack of work on the local dance and picnic scene. On the contrary, all reports suggest that he remained a favorite performer right up to his death in 1934, and could easily have kept working and recording had his health not given out.

Indeed, one of the most misleading myths about the rural blues players is that they were all down-and-out ramblers, or sharecroppers trying to pick up a few extra bucks. It was a picture conjured up by John Lomax when he presented Lead Belly in overalls as an ex-convict and was reinforced by the poverty in which many old blues singers were living at the time of their rediscovery in the 1960s, but in no way matches the life they led in the music's heyday. Patton, for instance, always appeared in a nice suit, and according to some reports was given to buying a new car every year. He was not rich, exactly, but certainly was doing far, far better than the black farm workers who came to the jukes on Saturday night, and probably earned more than a good many of the white country folk who hired him to play at their dances and outings.

Likewise, although Patton's success was undoubtedly due in part to his astonishing abilities as a guitarist, and the depth and soul of his blues singing, it also owed a lot to his professionalism and skill as an entertainer. Friends interviewed in later years would comment on his dependability, the fact that he always showed up on time and took care of business. His performances were masterpieces of showmanship: he was famed for tricks like playing behind his head or between his legs, to the point that some rival musicians disparaged him as a mere trickster. Unfair as this seems to modern listeners, it highlights an important point: To his live audiences, Patton was not the subtle player and singer we hear on the records, nor particularly noted for his soulful depth. He was a man who banged out loud rhythms, shouted so he could be heard to the back of the room, and was a dazzling showman -- despite his older, acoustic repertoire, he can in some ways be considered a predecessor to Little Richard and James Brown.

All of Patton's varied skills come out on the records, though not necessarily in the ways one might expect. For example, the power of his voice is often most evident in his Gospel work.

(Much has been made of the absolute divide between secular and religious music in African American culture, so it is worth pointing out that, though Patton released his first Gospel record under the alias "Elder J.J. Hadley," his five other religious records came out under his own name to no apparent protest from the church folk.)

Clearly inspired by the ferocious, shouting style of the Texas "street corner evangelist" Blind Willie Johnson, Patton delivered his best Gospel sides with fervor and vocal volume that is unmatched on any of his blues recordings. Some of his showmanship also comes through in the brief sermon he delivers on "You're Gonna Need Somebody When You Die" (a reworking of Johnson's "You're Gonna Need Somebody On Your Bond"). The Johnson connection further highlights a fact is often forgotten by Mississippi blues patriots: Texas was a deep blues country as well, and few if any Delta guitarists were unmarked by Johnson's and Jefferson's hugely popular recordings. This was a quickly-moving musical world, in which styles shifted dramatically in a few years' time, influenced by all the new sounds streaming in with traveling shows, records, and radio. When we listen to Patton sing his quirky reimagining of Running Wild," it is the sound of a man raised on 19th-century country dances, hearing a song once or twice on the radio, then coming up with his own variation to record and ship to stores throughout the country.

Which brings us to the hippest sound in Patton's repertoire, those blues songs that have made him a musical legend. Because, unlike Lead Belly, Patton did not find a white folk audience, and his recordings were directed at contemporary African American rural pop music buyers. And, great as his musical range was and whatever he may have done at live shows, it is those records that earned him a reputation outside the Delta. Those songs were adopted by other players, and that is the bedrock of his enduring fame.

If one had to pick out one characteristic of Patton's work that is unique and -- despite many attempts both then and now -- inimitable, it is the rhythmic control he displays on his greatest blues recordings. Take "Screamin' And Hollerin' The Blues." the first recorded version of his trademark "Spanish" guitar arrangement. His playing is never hurried, and the rhythmic power comes not from direct forward momentum (as in Willie Brown's magnificent reworking, "Future Blues," now a staple of Rory Block's repertoire), but from the constant variations and surprising accents. He keeps pausing in his playing, creating moments of tension, then coming back with completely different emphasis. Meanwhile, his relaxed vocal sets up still another level of complexity, sometimes joining the guitar, sometimes working in polyrhythmic counterpoint.

In these terms, Patton's masterpiece is "Down The Dirt Road," which for sheer rhythmic complexity is the most striking performance in the whole of blues. At times, Patton seems to be singing one rhythm, tapping another on the top his guitar, and playing a third on the strings, all without the slightest sense of effort. This is the work that distinguishes him from his peers, and that sets his circle of Mississippians aside from all the other players in the early blues pantheon. While no other player equaled his abilities, Mississippi consistently produced the most rhythmically sophisticated players in early blues. Perhaps this was due to the regional survival of African tradition exemplified by the "fife and drum" bands of the hill country to the Delta's east, perhaps to the proximity of New Orleans and the Caribbean, perhaps in a large degree to the influence of Patton himself.

It is a mistake to view this music through the prism of modern blues, to see Patton and his peers as the progenitors of the first electric Chicago bands, and thus of the boogie bands that fill suburban bars outside every American city. His rhythms are a world -- or at least a continent -- away from the straight-ahead, 4/4 sound that defines virtually all modern blues. That is why so few contemporary players can capture anything of his greatness. There is the tendency to play his tunes for driving power, missing the ease and relaxed subtlety that underlie all of his work. It is a control born of playing this music in eight or ten-hour sessions, week after week and year after year, for an audience of extremely demanding dancers, and of remembering centuries of previous dance rhythms -- not only the complex polyrhythms of West Africa, but also slow drags, cakewalks, hoedowns, and waltzes.

There is a lot more to be said about Patton's blues work, but most of it has been said many times, in articles, essays, liner notes, and books. The debates come hot and heavy, scholars fiercely arguing over whether his lyrics are consciously obscure and poetic or simply careless, whether he carefully composed his songs or often assembled them on the spot. Some base involved theories on what they perceive to be a constant "angry" tone in his singing, which I do not even hear, or find clues to his deepest fears and desires in lyrics which I assume he picked up from other singers. They may perfectly well be right. The important thing is not to be scared off by the myths or debates, and to give the music a chance. In his lifetime, people listened to Patton because his music was fun and exciting, and he pleased audiences of varied colors, tastes, and economic backgrounds, finding something in his repertoire for each of them. Luckily, much of that range has been preserved on record, and it is too varied, interesting, and important to be left to the small circle of prewar blues fans.

Suggested Listening

There are numerous Patton reissues, but these are the ones to consider seriously:

The best place to start is still Founder Of The Delta Blues (Yazoo #2010). Though somewhat weighted towards blues work, it includes most of the songs mentioned in this article, well-programmed and with fine sound quality, and gives an excellent overall picture of Patton's work without drowning the listener in an embarrassment of riches. The only major omission is that it has none of his religious work. For those who have assimilated this album and wish to explore further, King Of The Delta Blues (Yazoo #2001) has most of the remaining sides.

The Definitive Charley Patton (Catfish #180) is a more ambitious choice, all of Patton's songs on three CDs, with a 24-page booklet and excellent sound quality. For casual listeners, I do not generally see the advantage of "complete" sets rather than astute selections, but in Patton's case, it can be argued that he was a varied enough artist to deserve this treatment and that one cannot fully appreciate him without it. If one wants the complete picture, this is a very reasonably-priced, well-presented set, and well worth hearing.

For fanatics, millionaires, and those wanting to buy an amazing present for a manic record collector, there is Screamin' And Hollerin' The Blues (Revenant #212). A truly astonishing object, this includes seven CDs, with all of Patron's recordings, a first-rate selection of work by his associates, a disc of interviews with people who knew him, and bizarre ephemera like his record producer reading newspaper headlines -- but the CDs are the least of it. Packaged like an old 78 album, the set has 128 pages of notes (many printed so small, in such faint blue ink as to be virtually illegible), a copy of John Fahey's often illuminating, often unreadable 1970s book on Patton, life-size stickers of all of Patton's record labels, and so on and on ... Those of us who need to own this is probably seriously demented, but we are out there.

There is also a Patton tribute album, Down The Dirt Road: The Songs Of Charley Patton (Telarc #83535), but no one should consider this an introduction to his work. Patton had some fine songs, but it is his playing and singing, not his gifts as a composer, that make him one of the giants of American music.

Friday, February 9, 2018

Algia Mae Hinton is Gone at 88

Algia Mae Hinton, one of the last surviving old-style Piedmont blues players, has died at age 88. She died Feb 8, 2018, Thursday afternoon at her home in Middlesex. “It was expected,” said her daughter, Minnie Hinton Wilma. “She just shut down."

Here is an article from last year.

A Hard Life of Bad Luck and Trouble
By David Menconi - April 2017

Algia Mae Hinton, one of the last surviving members of her 
generation of Piedmont blues players, is still playing the blues
at age 87. Hinton used to perform for festivals with crowds in
the thousands - even once at Carnegie Hall in New York City.
Now as one of the last surviving Piedmont blues players from 
the old days, she performs mostly for family and friends.
Juli Leonard
It’s been a while since Algia Mae Hinton was on a stage, but she’s still a dancer. That hasn’t changed, even though she’s wheelchair-bound nowadays.

“The reason I can’t walk, I danced so much and told so many stories, I wore out my legs,” she says and laughs. “But I’m gonna walk again, dance again. Ain’t giving up.”

A recent Sunday afternoon found the 87-year-old Hinton holding court in the living room of her modest country house, decked out to entertain visitors. She wore black-velvet finery with jewelry to accent bright red nails, her eyes hidden behind rock-star shades.

Hinton used to perform for festivals with crowds in the thousands – even once at Carnegie Hall in New York City. Now as one of the last surviving Piedmont blues players from the old days, she performs mostly for family and friends.

But even without a guitar in hand, she still draws a crowd of those near and dear to her. A steady stream of relatives passed through – grown children, younger grandchildren, younger-still great-grandchildren – to give a hug and a kiss and hear a story or a song.

Every adult man got the same treatment: Hinton looking at them askance and clucking in mock-disapproval, “He got so many women.” It brought down the house every time.

Among the visitors was one of Hinton’s longtime music friends, Mike “Lightnin’ ” Wells, who sat on her couch picking Piedmont blues on a guitar. Hinton swayed to the music, doing a little soft-shoe dance in her wheelchair – a version of the thunderous, full-body buck-dancing she used to do in her prime.

“Algia Mae,” Wells finally spoke up in mild exasperation, “you gonna sing or not? I’m here playin’!”

Hinton smiled, muttered about Wells’ “many women” and began to sing.

I’m goin’ down this road feelin’ bad

Lost the best friend I ever had…

Algia Mae Hinton in Middlesex, NC, around 1996.

Courtesy of Timothy Duffy
A lot of the songs Hinton sings are the traditional blues, folk and gospel tunes she learned growing up on her family’s farm in the 1930s and ’40s. But this is one she wrote herself, inspired by harsh real-life circumstances – the night in 1984 when her house burned down.

“Lost everything I had,” she said matter-of-factly, then paused. “Lost a lot of things in this life.”

A working life

In 1996, Wells produced an album for Hinton called “Honey Babe: Blues, Folk Tunes and Gospel From North Carolina.” The title track was the first song Hinton ever learned, and the serial number they gave the album was 82929 – Hinton’s birth date of Aug. 29, 1929.

Born to a farming family, Hinton came along at the end of her parents’ 14 children. They had her out working in the fields almost as soon as she could walk.

“I have done some work in my day,” Hinton said. “In the field picking cotton, cucumbers, tobacco. Housework and schoolwork, too. Cutting wood for the woodstove, did that, too.”

As she spoke, her son Williette Hinton sat nearby. At 61 years old, he is the eldest of Algia Mae’s four children who are still living.

Hacksaw Harney in 2011


Thursday, February 8, 2018

Louise Johnson (1908 to late 1940s?)



Son House and unidentified woman in the 1930s Delta
The fourth artist at the famous August 1930 Paramount recording session, alongside Charley Patton, "Son" House and Willie Brown, was Louise Johnson. Not until David Evans interviewed House in November 1964 was her name linked to the session. The pianist on her sides had long been thought to be Cripple Clarence Lofton, but House's recollection was quite clear:

"Son" House: Yeah. Me, Charley Patton, Willie Brown — no, there was four of us. And another girl named Louise Johnson, she played piano.  
David Evans: By herself?  
SH: By herself
DE: Did she sing?
SH: She singed and played. On about one or two of her songs, me and Charley, we commented a little bit with the guitar while she played the piano.
DE: Were these recorded?
SH: Yeah, she was recording, yes.
DE: Oh, with you and Charley in the background.

House remembered Johnson as about twenty-three or twenty-four years old, and Charley Patton's mistress. "She didn't do nothin' but drink and play music; she didn't work for nobody." House added that Willie Brown knew Johnson when she was playing at a place on the Kirby plantation, run by a woman named Liney or Liny Armstrong, who also owned a restaurant in Memphis, where she lived.3 A Linie Armstrong, aged forty, is listed in the 1930 Tunica County (Beat 1) census of April 18, farming and living with her forty-five-year-old brother, James, and a "roomer," Kittie Jones. Many "juke houses" were simply actual houses, with one or more rooms permanently or temporarily used as venues for entertainment. (David Evans saw a place like this on Dockery's, before they tore it down.) Armstrong seems, therefore, to have been farming and running a juke joint on the side.

Joe Kirby's plantation was right above Robinsonville, along Highway 61. The 1920 Tunica County census refers to it as "John A. Kirby plantation, Clack." House referred to it as Claxton or Clack Store. (In 1941, he recorded at the store in Clack for the Library of Congress.) 
"Kirby's plantation was our stomping ground. That's where we drank all that bad corn whiskey. That's where I got Louise Johnson at. She lived on that place. And that's why she got to go with me, and Willie and Charley to go to Grafton to make records, playing piano. Charley made up a song on Joe Kirby, because he played there a lot and because of the corn whiskey."

As well as playing on the Kirby plantation, Louise may have visited Memphis; the lyrics of "On The Wall" mention the Monarch saloon, owned by Jim Kinnane, and Church's Hall.' "On The Wall" also suggests that Louise Johnson may have turned tricks in brothels. The vocal support by Patton, House and Brown during the song is intended to recreate the atmosphere of a saloon or a whorehouse. Johnson may have picked up some of her piano technique in such establishments, but most of it — the hammered right-hand chords, the grumbling single-note and walking bass lines, the way she plays the turnarounds in the last bar — is pure Mississippi.

On April 1, 1930 a Louise Johnson (occupation: "none") was enumerated at 1 South Street West in Tunica, Tunica County, Mississippi. She was listed as having been born in 1908 in Tennessee, which was also her parents' place of birth. This seems to agree with pianist John "Piano Red" Williams' account of the Louise Johnson he knew in Tunica in the late 1920s: a small woman, aged about twenty, who played the piano in a joint attached to the cotton-oil mill quarters.' Red also claimed to have seen her at the Kirby plantation in the early 1930s.7

Although it has been reported that the male members of the party picked up Louise Johnson from Joe Kirby's plantation on the way to Grafton,' in his interview with the late Al Wilson "Son" House mentioned that Patton picked up Willie Brown and Louise Johnson, who both lived just north of Robinsonville, to practice new songs at his home in Lula the night before they left to go north. Brown already knew Louise, and suggested that she come with them. After practicing all night, they were picked up by Wheeler Ford, who had a car and knew the way, because he had already recorded in Grafton with the Delta Big Four. From Lula, they traveled via Memphis Tennessee, through Arkansas, Missouri and Illinois, where they passed through Cairo, (where House and Patton bought new guitars, and Patton and Brown got into a fight), Kankakee (because Wheeler Ford wanted to visit a guitar-playing friend), and Rockford (a detour to allow House to see the John Deere tractor factory) en route to Grafton.

The trip became as legendary as the recording session itself. With "Son" House in the front seat next to Wheeler Ford, Patton, Brown and Louise Johnson sat in the back. Their drinking led to a row between Brown and Patton, just after they had left Cairo. With the car traveling at sixty-five miles an hour, Patton tried to open the door, causing Ford to make an abrupt stop. Brown and Patton jumped out to settle the argument with their fists, and Patton tripped, fell on his new guitar, and smashed it. Back in the car, Patton got into an argument with Louise and slapped her in the face, which led her to transfer her affections to "Son" House, with whom she ended up sharing a room at Grafton's Bienlein Hotel.

Louise Johnson recorded in F and B flat, the latter a key seldom used by blues pianists at that time. She did not use the more common keys of C and G, which indicates that, when learning to play, she was not exposed to the work of many other pianists. The most interesting aspect of her playing on "All Night Long Blues," "Long with From Home" and "By The Moon And Stars" is that, after one or two choruses with a single-note bass line, she switches to a walking bass and picks up speed, eventually doubling the tempo. This changing of the bass lines is otherwise unknown in recorded piano blues of the 1920s and 1930s, and is certainly not due to her oft_ reported nervousness; it seems rather to be a conscious, and very effective element of her style.

After her Paramount session, which resulted in two released records, and an alternative take of "All Night Long Blues," which survived to be released on LP and CDs, Louise Johnson may have moved to Stacy, Arkansas; "Son" House said that she did so about three weeks after their shared recording session. House never saw her again, but his recollection was that she died in the 1940s from natural causes. (In 1940, when "Son" House was on Simpson Tate's Plantation near Highway 3 in Banks, Mississippi, there was a Louise Johnson living a few doors away from him, but she was a widow aged thirty-eight, and House never mentioned her in interviews; it seems unlikely — but not impossible — that she was the blues pianist who was also his former lover.)

It should be added that the memories of Leroy Willis, from Helena, Arkansas, suggest Louise Johnson may have lived longer than House believed. Willis recalled in 1967 that:
Louise Johnson played around Rich, near Jonestown in the 1930s. She was always by herself She was a heavy-sized, brown-skinned woman. She was in her twenties. She got attached with another woman, called "Piano Playing Willie," some called her "Piano Playing Bill." She is in Memphis now. When I first come to know Willie she was living down at Lula. She lived there until around 1950. Louise Johnson used to run with her. They played together a whole summer. She played in Rich, Lula and Dundee. Charley Reynolds, he was from up here. He played with Louise Johnson from up here to Rich and she played at his place in Dundee. "Piano Playing Willie" left with her around 1950. Willie put some sort of club up down there in Memphis, Tennessee. Willie was from Dundee and had a daughter living in Mattson. She is living with Mr. Roy Flowers.

NOTES

1 For a history of the controversy, see Konrad Nowakowski. "Did Lofton Claim to Have Recorded with Louise Johnson?" Names & Numbers 64 (January 2013): pp. 13-17.
.
2 David Evans. Interview with "Son" House, Cambridge, Massachusetts, November 4, 1964.

3 Nick Perls. "Son House Interview, Part One." 78 Quarterly 1 (1967): p. 61.

4 John Fahey, Barry Hansen and Mark Levine. Interview with "Son" House, Venice, California. May 7, 1965. Cassette Ft 2809. Courtesy of University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.

5 "Church's Hall" is the Church Auditorium, built in Church Park, Memphis, by African_ American millionaire Robert Church Sr. It seems to have become a favored place fo assignations. For the Church family, as both crime bosses and civil rights activists, see Preston Lauterbach. Beale Street Dynasty. W .W . Norton (2015).

6 Bengt Olsson. Memphis Blues. London: Studio Vista, 1970: p. 80.

7. Michael Hortig. Interview with John "Piano Red" Williams, November 1981. Email from Michael Hortig, January 26, 2016.

8 See e.g. Daniel Beaumont. Preachin' the Blues: The Life and Times of Son House. New York: Oxford University Press, 2011: p. 61.